Türkiye’s growing engagement in Asia has taken another step forward with National Defence Minister Yasar Guler’s ongoing official visit to Vietnam.

The two-day trip, which began on Thursday, features high-level talks in Hanoi and is viewed as part of Ankara’s broader “Asia Anew” initiative, launched in 2019 to expand political, economic, and security ties across the region.

Guler, who is in the country at the invitation of his Vietnamese counterpart General Phan Van Giang, began his trip on Thursday by visiting the Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum in the capital Hanoi and paying respect to the founding father of the Southeast Asian country.

Subsequently, the Turkish minister was welcomed with a military ceremony at the Vietnamese Ministry of Defence by Giang. After the welcoming ceremony, Guler held a bilateral meeting with Giang, accompanied by delegations from both sides.

According to Vietnam News, Giang said Guler’s visit represents a concrete step toward carrying out commitments on strengthening defence cooperation made in the Vietnam–Türkiye Joint Statement during Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh’s official trip to Türkiye in November 2023.

He emphasised that nearly 50 years since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1978, the friendship and multifaceted cooperation between the two countries have continued to grow, with significant potential for further collaboration, especially in defence.

Guler also visited the Turkish Embassy in Hanoi, where he was briefed on ongoing activities. Guler was later received by Vietnamese President Luong Cuong, to whom he conveyed the greetings of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Renewed focus on Asia

Analysts say Guler’s Vietnam visit underscores a deliberate effort by Türkiye to strengthen partnerships with emerging powers in Southeast Asia. They note that the move reflects one of the country’s most significant foreign policy recalibrations in recent decades.

“Türkiye’s declaration of its renewed focus on Asia was one of the most important breaks from its traditional foreign policy patterns,” says Ismail Ermagan, a professor of international relations at the Istanbul Medeniyet University, describing the 2019 Asia Anew initiative as a turning point.

“For decades, Ankara’s efforts were largely invested in the European Union accession process, but when these efforts failed to bear fruit, the Turkish state began to look more globally,” he explains.

“Over the past two decades, Türkiye launched concentrated initiatives focused on different regions – 2005 as the ‘Year of Africa’, 2006 as the ‘Year of Latin America’, and finally 2019 as the ‘Year of Asia’,” Ermagan tells TRT World, noting that this approach “shows a deliberate strategy to expand representation and influence beyond the immediate neighbourhood.”

Guler’s visit to Vietnam is part of a longer trajectory in which Türkiye is striving to embed itself more firmly in Asia-Pacific structures, says Ermagan.

He emphasises that in the past, Türkiye’s relations with countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia were “almost non-existent”, yet there was considerable interest in Türkiye across these societies.

He notes that through reciprocal visits by leaders, relations have steadily improved.

“In Southeast Asia, Türkiye was virtually absent in places like Laos, Cambodia, or Myanmar,” he says. “Now, through education, cultural diplomacy, and defence industry cooperation, Ankara is trying to correct that imbalance.”

Lokman Karadag, an Asia specialist, frames the Asia Anew initiative within a broader strategic calculation. “It’s a key and deliberate strategy in Türkiye’s foreign policy,” he tells TRT World.

“This isn’t about abandoning the West. Türkiye remains a NATO member and continues to have deep-seated ties with Europe and the United States. But it also recognises the rising economic and political weight of Asia and is proactively diversifying its partnerships,” explains Karadag.

“It’s not a zero-sum game of choosing East over West. Rather, it’s about strategic autonomy and avoiding dependence on a single bloc,” he notes.

In this context, Guler’s visit to Vietnam becomes particularly symbolic. Vietnam is one of the fastest-growing economies in the region, with a population of over 100 million and significant investments in technology and industry.

As Ermagan points out, “Vietnam is among the most strategically important states in Southeast Asia’s security architecture and technological development. Türkiye’s presence there is not only timely but also necessary if Ankara wishes to expand its reach in the region.”

Defence cooperation and soft power

Karadag stresses that Türkiye’s growing role in Asia is defined by two pillars: the export of its increasingly competitive defence industry and its cooperative approach to security.

“Türkiye is now a recognised player in the global defence industry,” he argues.

“Its unmanned aerial vehicles, naval ships, and missile systems are highly sought after. But what sets Türkiye apart is its willingness to engage in co-development and technology transfer, unlike many Western suppliers. That makes Ankara an attractive partner for Asian states modernising their militaries, such as Vietnam.”

Indeed, the significance of defence cooperation cannot be overstated. Türkiye has already struck landmark deals, such as the co-production agreement with Indonesia for the KAAN fighter jet. Vietnam, in the process of modernising its military, could become another partner in this field.

Ermagan believes Guler’s visit highlights precisely this opportunity: “Türkiye’s defence industry is now among the top globally. But its biggest challenge is internationalisation. High-profile visits like this are crucial for promoting its defence products and demonstrating Ankara’s willingness to be a partner, not just a seller.”

But beyond defence, Ankara is also leveraging soft power tools to carve out a place for itself in the region. Institutions like TİKA, the Yunus Emre Institutes, and the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) have expanded their presence across Southeast Asia. Language teaching, cultural exchanges, and humanitarian projects are all part of this multi-layered engagement.

“Unlike colonial powers that once dominated the region,” Ermagan points out, “Türkiye approaches Asia based on win-win cooperation. That makes it a more trusted actor compared to Western states with a colonial past.”

Karadag echoes this view, stressing that Türkiye can act as a “constructive and non-restrictive security partner.”

He notes that many Asian states are wary of being caught in the rivalry between China and the United States.

“Türkiye offers a different model,” he explains. “It doesn’t seek to create new blocs or contain specific powers. Instead, it focuses on shared interests, political cooperation, and defence technology. This is a very attractive option for states seeking strategic flexibility.”

Challenges remain in Türkiye’s Asia strategy

Still, challenges remain. Relations with China and India illustrate the complexity of Türkiye’s Asian engagement. With China, economic cooperation has expanded, particularly under the Belt and Road Initiative, where Türkiye’s Middle Corridor project plays a complementary role.

With India, Ankara’s historical alignment with Pakistan on the Kashmir issue has caused diplomatic strains. Karadag suggests that Türkiye’s widening engagement with countries like Vietnam may actually encourage India to re-evaluate its ties with Ankara, focusing on pragmatic cooperation rather than disputes.

At the same time, Ermagan insists that Türkiye must strengthen its academic and intellectual foundations for engaging with Asia.

“Without producing knowledge from the field, relying only on press clippings and superficial reports will not suffice. We need dedicated centres, think tanks, and expertise on countries like Vietnam, Laos, or Cambodia if we want to make informed policy decisions.”

The economic dimension of Türkiye’s Asia strategy is equally significant. Vietnam, for instance, is a key trading partner, with a bilateral trade volume of around $2 billion. Türkiye exports steel, cotton yarn, chemicals, and food products, while importing electronics, textiles, footwear, and machinery from Vietnam.

Both sides see opportunities for diversification and expansion. “If Ankara can add energy cooperation, technology transfer, and defence collaboration to this list,” Ermagan says, “the relationship could grow exponentially.”

Karadag says that Türkiye’s expanding footprint in Asia is about creating options, not replacing old alliances. “It is about broadening its horizons and increasing bargaining power globally,” he says.

“Türkiye is signalling that it wants to be present in Africa, in Latin America, and now in Asia, not as a secondary player but as a proactive partner. Minister Guler’s visit to Vietnam should be read in that context—as part of a broader recalibration of Türkiye’s place in the world.”