In a long-anticipated move, the European Union has decided to ease Schengen visa procedures for Turkish citizens. But there’s a catch. It applies to those who have “an established travel history” and will be implemented in what’s being termed a new “cascade” system.

Here’s what you need to know about it.

Starting July 15, 2025, eligible applicants can gradually obtain longer validity, multi-entry visas — from one to five years — if previous visas were “lawfully used”, according to the official EU statement.

While the decision has been welcomed as a step toward improved mobility and cooperation, experts warn that its actual implementation might remain symbolic rather than systemic.

As visa delays, rejections, and inconsistencies continue to frustrate Turkish applicants, this new measure raises both hope and scepticism.

“It’s an important decision for Turkish citizens,” says Faik Tanrikulu, an associate professor of political science at Istanbul Medipol University.

“But let’s be honest, this is not a wholly new policy. Long-term, multi-entry visas—ranging from three months to five years—were already being granted at the discretion of individual consulate officers.”

“What the Commission has done now is to take that discretionary power out of individual hands and make it a standard expectation. That is the real value of this decision,” he explains.

Yet even this standardisation, Tanrikulu notes, comes years later than expected.

“Back in 2013, Türkiye and the EU began discussing a visa liberalisation roadmap. By now, we should be talking about full visa-free travel for Turkish citizens, not about basic facilitation.”

Tanrikulu refers to the March 18, 2016, deal between the EU and Türkiye as a turning point in EU-Türkiye relations, particularly over the migration issue.

“The refugee issue forced the EU to re-engage with Türkiye seriously. At that time, Türkiye was promised visa liberalisation, an update to the Customs Union, and financial support for Syrian refugees,” he points out.

“In return, Türkiye had to meet 72 specific criteria, ranging from biometric passports to anti-corruption measures. Today, 67 of those are already in place. Yet the EU continues to delay full liberalisation, pointing to the remaining five,” he laments.

The inconsistency, Tanrikulu argues, borders on double standards.

“Look at Georgia. It’s not even negotiating EU membership, yet its citizens can travel visa-free. Turkish citizens, on the other hand, face rejection rates of 40 to 60 per cent in countries like Estonia and some Scandinavian states. Even Russian and Chinese applicants—despite geopolitical tensions—often have better odds than Turks.”

What about first-time applicants?

Journalist and entrepreneur Fatma Menal Akin, who is currently pursuing a master’s degree at Rome Business School, also remains cautious.

“Yes, this decision may ease the process for people who have already travelled to the Schengen area and maintained a good track record. But it says nothing about first-time applicants—people who have legitimate academic or professional reasons to travel, but no prior visa history. They’re left completely outside this equation.”

For Akin, the announcement also lacks transparency and enforceability.

“How exactly is this decision being communicated to embassies and consulates in countries like Germany, Italy, or Spain? Are they obliged to follow it? And if they don’t, what recourse does a rejected applicant have? Do they go to court, like the Turkish students in Italy did?”

That reference to Italy is especially telling. In recent months, many Turkish students faced excessive delays and outright rejections for student visas from the Italian consulate in Istanbul.

“This wasn’t just a bureaucratic hiccup,” Akin remarks. “It led to real, personal losses. Some students filed lawsuits and won. The Lazio Regional Court ruled that the Italian consulate acted unlawfully, and only then were those students able to obtain visas.”

Such legal victories highlight the fragility of the system. “You shouldn’t have to sue a foreign consulate just to attend a university you’ve already been accepted into,” Akin argues. “It shows how broken the mechanism is.”

‘A game of chance’

Istanbul Medipol University’s Tanrikulu is not optimistic about enforcement either.

“Even with the Commission’s directive, consulates may continue to find reasons to deny applications. And there’s still no formal appeals process in many countries. That’s deeply problematic. Some consulates have even removed the right to appeal entirely.”

This absence of due process, Tanrikulu notes, turns the system into a game of chance. “You may have submitted every document and met every requirement, but if the consular officer decides you're a risk—based on vague or unstated criteria—there’s nothing you can do. The decision is final.”

Moreover, Akin points out that visa facilitation for repeat travellers is not a revolutionary idea.

“It was already common practice before the pandemic. If you’d been to Europe a few times and returned on time, you often got visas for longer durations. Business or family visas were relatively easy to secure. This isn’t innovation; it’s a patch on a broken system.”

‘A drop in the ocean’

So what exactly is new? Both experts agree that the European Commission’s decision is better than nothing. But its impact remains limited, especially without binding enforcement or a mechanism to ensure fairness across different consulates.

“In the end, this decision feels like a drop in the ocean,” says Akin. “It sounds good on paper, but without implementation and accountability, it risks being performative. And that, in turn, deepens public frustration—not only with visa policy but with the EU-Türkiye relationship more broadly.”

For Tanrikulu, the stakes are even higher. “Mobility is not just about tourism or even education. It’s about mutual understanding and trust between societies. Right now, the visa regime is one of the biggest obstacles to that trust.”