Syria’s parliamentary elections scheduled for September 15-20 will mark the country’s first attempt at establishing a new legislative body since the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024.

Unlike conventional elections, the upcoming exercise will be fully indirect. It will rely on electoral colleges – bodies of electors tasked with nominating parliamentarians – as well as appointed seats, rather than direct public voting.

Analysts say the decision by the transitional government led by President Ahmed al Sharaa to go for indirect elections is based on pragmatic constraints as well as the government’s intent to maintain oversight during a delicate transitional period.

“After more than a decade of war, the Syrian population is scattered inside and outside the country. There’s no updated census, no full civil registry, and millions still lack proper ID documents,” Omar Alhariri, an independent journalist from Syria, tells TRT World. 

Given the enormity of logistical challenges, holding a direct national vote would be “nearly impossible” under current conditions. “This is a temporary and limited solution – but for the government, it serves both internal and external purposes,” he says. 

The rubber-stamp parliament from the Baathist years was sent packing when the opposition forces led by al Sharaa toppled the decades-old Assad regime after a lightning-quick offensive at the end of 2024. Al Sharaa’s transitional government has been operating under a temporary constitutional declaration that covers a five-year transition period.

Mustafa Yetim, a professor of international relations at Türkiye’s Eskisehir Osmangazi University, tells TRT World the indirect electoral exercise should be viewed as a positive development despite its limitations.

“The mere possibility (of an election) marks a notable improvement compared to the country’s previous repressive Baathist regime,” he says, while referring to sham parliamentary elections held every four years under Assad’s rule.

Yetim says that al Sharaa’s administration is working to rebuild state institutions and integrate Syria into the international community. His attempt to foster a sense of legitimacy can pave the way for a more robust democratic process in the future, he adds.

Structure of the electoral process

The September 2025 elections will establish a 210-seat People’s Assembly, with 140 members selected by local electoral colleges and 70 appointed directly by President al Sharaa.

A presidential decree in June set up a 10-member committee to supervise the formation of local electoral colleges to select lawmakers.

These electoral colleges will consist of professionals, academics, and community figures tasked with nominating and selecting parliamentary representatives. Candidates will have approximately one week to prepare their platforms before engaging in debates, ensuring a structured – albeit indirect – selection process.

Hamdullah Baycar, a professor of international relations at Karadeniz Technical University in Türkiye, tells TRT World the elections will involve each of the 14 governorates sending a different number of representatives to the assembly.

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While the official justification for this method points to technical and legal limitations – such as the absence of voter registration infrastructure – this model also functions as a check on full electoral openness, allowing the administration to manage the outcomes more predictably, he says.

To address concerns about transparency and diversity, the al Sharaa administration has committed to allowing international observers to monitor the electoral process – a move aimed at gaining external legitimacy as well as reinforcing a message of reform, Baycar adds.

What will the People’s Assembly do?

Alhariri says the new parliament’s main job will be to manage the legislative side of the transitional period. 

“That includes passing laws, approving economic reforms, and helping the government gain international recognition,” he says.

The assembly’s mandate, renewable every 36 months, will focus on enacting legislation to stabilise the country and overhaul decades of state-controlled economic policies. 

While drafting a permanent constitution is a long-term goal, the assembly’s immediate priority will be to support the transitional government’s efforts to rebuild state institutions and foster economic recovery.

The assembly will exercise legislative powers until a permanent constitution is adopted, a process that could take up to three years. 

The primary objective of the September 2025 elections, according to Alhariri, is to give the al Sharaa government enhanced political legitimacy.

“Even though the election isn’t fully democratic, holding it allows the government to say that there’s a functioning system in place, not just one-man rule,” he says.

This legitimacy is crucial for securing economic aid, defence cooperation, and diplomatic recognition from other countries, particularly those open to reengaging with Syria.

The electoral process will likely have broader implications beyond Syrian borders, Yetim says.

“If Syria succeeds in establishing a transparent and pluralistic electoral system, this could serve as a valuable precedent for other states in the Levant,” he says, using the historical term for the Middle Eastern region comprising Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Israel.

He praises al Sharaa’s efforts to engage with diverse social groups, including the Druze, Kurds, and Alawites, to foster national cohesion. 

“Al Sharaa’s moderate stance and his evident aspiration to align Syria with the values of the civilised, developed, and liberal world have contributed to a stronger sense of domestic and international legitimacy for his leadership,” Yetim adds.

Analysts view the indirect electoral process as imperfect, but reflective of the practical realities of a nation slowly emerging from years of civil strife and foreign intervention.

However, challenges remain, particularly in governorates where Damascus does not currently have full control: Quneitra, Sweida, Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor, and al Hasakah.

Alhariri says some states may use the election as a reason to start dealing with the new authorities in a more formal, official way.

“It gives the government something to point to when it says, ‘We’re rebuilding state institutions and moving forward’. It’s a step towards being seen as a stable and serious actor,” he says.